Resolution of the LIS Conference: The tasks of revolutionaries in today's world

He 31 July, a new international conference of the LIS, to discuss the challenges and tasks facing revolutionaries in today's world and the world to come after the pandemic. The conference was attended by comrades from revolutionary organizations from dozens of countries on five continents., among them, new participation organizations from countries like Kenya, Colombia, Peru or Brazil. Discussions were followed with Spanish translation, English, French, Arabic, turco, Russian and Portuguese. We share the statement that was voted at the end of the event.

Almost a year and a half have passed since the start of the Covid pandemic 19. As some governments of the capitalist powers rush to declare victory over the virus, much of humanity still suffers its consequences and the new variants continue to be a threat. The worldwide vaccination campaign has been a new demonstration that capitalism is not capable of solving the most basic needs of humanity. Even though we entered the 2021 with the news that several vaccines had successfully passed clinical trials, 8 months later the vast majority of humanity still does not have access to them. The rich countries have monopolized an important part of the production, Y, the pharmaceutical companies that own their patents reserve the exclusive "right" of the production and distribution of their product to ensure the highest possible profit, although they do not have the capacity to provide the necessary vaccines in the adequate time. All this shows that the reason the pandemic continues to develop is that the capitalist system privileges profits over the health and lives of millions., reaching the height of hindering the mass vaccination necessary to stop the Covid-19 pandemic.

The current world and the one that may emerge in the post-pandemic period is far from offering guarantees of stability. On the one hand, the cycle of rebellions that began in 2019 returns to express itself after a relative pause. From the streets of Colombia to the resistance to the coup in Myanmar, passing through Brazil, Peru, Paraguay, Iran, Palestine, what about the 2021 has seen a rise in class struggle worldwide. The break with the regime has even had expressions in the electoral field in countries like Peru and Chile, where a turn to the left was also expressed, and France, where a wave of abstentionism shook the foundations of the V Republic. On the other hand, The world economy has not been able to recover its pre-pandemic level, much less solve its structural limits that were strongly expressed since the crisis of 2008. All this despite the rebound produced by the reopenings and the injection of billions of dollars by the states. To this scenario we must add the growing inter-imperialist tensions that, with the US and China as protagonists, add a destabilizing factor to the world order.

Within this framework, we revolutionaries have enormous opportunities and also great challenges.. The rise of the masses questions the hegemonic leaderships of the previous period and poses the struggle for socialist hegemony as a fundamental task. In this sense, we face the challenge of defeating the reformist sectors that, in its different variants, they direct the energy of the rebellions towards the institutional channels of the bourgeoisie. Also to the sectarians, who hide their abstentionism under revolutionary rhetoric. To achieve this, we must advance in building revolutionary organizations, and an international on solid principled bases and simultaneously open to the confluence of different revolutionary traditions..

A world in rebellion

Before the pandemic began, a cycle of ascent in the class struggle had begun to unfold., which in many cases took acute forms and became real rebellions. Already towards the end of 2018, the yellow vest protests in France began to signal this change, and in 2019 countries like Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Colombia, Chile, Bolivia, France, Tunisia, Algeria, Lebanon, Iraq, iran and sudan, lived days of intense class struggle. In 2020 the pandemic represented a relative pause in the escalation of struggles. Nevertheless, the historic anti-racist rebellion took place in the US, that shook the foundations of imperialism and generated a wave of protests and sympathy internationally. In lebanon, the protests of the workers and youth overthrew the government, and in Thailand there was a major movement against the regime that, though it rocked the system, did not achieve its objectives. In Chile the rise continued, in Peru the mobilization overthrew two governments in a week and hit the Fujimorista regime. in Belarus, despite the fact that he failed to overthrow the government of the dictator Lukashenko, an unprecedented process of popular mobilization developed since the 90. the saharawi people, with his youth at the forefront, he rose again against the Moroccan occupation.

In this frame, at our last International Conference, in december of 2020, we affirm that “we are entering a period in which the class struggle will intensify”. Today we can say that this prognosis has been confirmed. In the course of this year a series of rebellions have developed that, beyond its limits and contradictions, show a general trend towards the wear and tear of governments and regimes. They are also evidence of a volatile situation in which a measure of adjustment, a repressive act, or another "spark", can trigger important mobilization processes and social outbreaks. A clear example of this is Colombia., where the Duque government's tax reform project encountered resistance that quickly turned into a rebellion.

In Latin America, the appearance of Colombia and Chile at the forefront of the rise is no less. During the revolutionary rise that shook the continent in the first decade of the millennium, were the two main bastions of the reaction, with their regimes and the neoliberal model intact, propagandized by imperialism as examples to follow. The uprising of their peoples and the decline of those regimes mark a new moment in the region and a monumental blow to the reactionary right wing that had come to power in various countries in the past decade.. This can be seen in Brazil, where the mobilization to get rid of Bolsonaro has begun and was seen in the promotion that shocked Paraguay months ago.. The central dynamic of the new moment we are experiencing in Latin America is the mass movement's weariness with the status quo., of rupture with the hegemonic political leaderships of the last period, and willingness to go out into the streets to confront and destroy them.

The intensification of the class struggle is not limited to Latin America. In June the reactionary regime of the Mullahs in Iran was rocked by a wave of strikes in the strategic oil sector that involved thousands of workers in 60 companies in 8 provinces. A Myanmar, youth, the working class and oppressed nationalities resisted for months against the coup, facing brutal repression. India's peasantry staged huge protests against right-wing Modi government. The Zionist offensive to achieve ethnic cleansing in East Jerusalem was met with massive resistance from the Palestinian people., that resonated in different parts of the world, with huge actions of solidarity with the Palestinian people in London, Paris, U.S, etc. The struggle of the Colombian people also unleashed a wave of international solidarity with important actions in dozens of cities around the world.. The recent social outbreak in South Africa, beyond its contradictions, demonstrates the accumulated weariness in the most unequal country in the world.

The wear and tear of governments and regimes hits all political projects, whether they are from the openly bourgeois and pro-imperialist right, as the cases of Colombia and Chile, the bureaucratic sectors, masked under “left” or “anti-imperialist” discourses and aligned with China or Russia. The crisis of the Ortega government in Nicaragua or Maduro in Venezuela are proof of this.

The economic crisis exacerbated by the pandemic feeds the objective conditions for the development of this rise in the class struggle. Global inequality has grown during the pandemic. Today the 1% of the population has the 45% of world wealth, while the 3 poorer one billion have no wealth, Once your debts have been discounted. At the juncture, The governments of the imperialist powers show optimistic forecasts, based on the combination of the end of the majority of the restrictions linked to pandemic, added to the enormous injection of dollars by the states. Indeed, These elements are generating a rebound effect on the world economy. Nevertheless, This has a lot of mirage if we expand the look. The world economy was already aimed at a recession before the pandemic due to the low productive investment linked to the fall in the rate of gain. From the crisis of 2008, The huge money transfers to the capitalists generated the conditions for the development of an immense speculative bubble. Today we see a similar pattern. Having not reversed the conditions that produce the low profitability of investments (by destruction of installed capacity and/or the elimination of low/null companies real profitability or "zombies"), The injection of money towards the capitalists can grow the speculative bubble or generate the conditions for an increase in low growth inflation. All this makes, Beyond the conjunctural rebound, The structural crisis conditions that can generate deep crisis episodes remain.

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Challenges and debates

All of the above shows that the general dynamics of the world political situation is marked by a strong polarization where what begins to primar, although with regional inequalities, It is the rise in the struggles of the mass movement. This general hypothesis about the political moment "post-pandemic" has been a reason for debate. There are those who, Taking partial elements of reality, come a strengthening of the right and "fascism". The political consequence of this analysis is the impulse of variants of "democratic fronts", like the one that led part of the left in the US to support Biden, or that hunters today apart from the Brazilian left behind the PT. It is essential to evaluate the elements that make up the world situation in its real dimension. Undoubtedly, the growing polarization of the last decade has generated right -right phenomena and even extreme right, that at the level of some country can be particularly strong (as in Hungary with Orbán). To the extent that the systemic crisis of capitalism and the crisis of legitimacy of regimes are exacerbated, These phenomena will continue to be produced and part of the political scene. But they are not the only element of reality, nor mark their general dynamics.

The fact that we affirm that the general dynamics is towards the intensification of the class struggle does not mean that we cease to point out the difficulties and contradictions that are expressed in reality. There is an unequal development of ascent, which is expressed with different rhythms in different parts of the world. Even in places where promotion is expressed more strongly and rebellions occur, Not all lead to blunt triumphs, or only achieve partial objectives. In many cases governments do not fall, even when adjusting plans are stopped, Because the addresses manage to channel discontent towards institutional roads, electoral. But we have seen that mobilization achieves changes in regimes, even give mortal blows to some of the most reactionary such as the one created by Pinochet in Chile.

A key element to understand why this has to do with changes in the world in recent decades and how they have impacted on the political directions of the mass movement. With the fall of the wall and the dissolution of the USSR, one of the main counterrevolutionary devices worldwide was extremely weakened, Stalinism, Beyond the great contradiction involved in the restoration of capitalism and confusion in the consciousness of the mass movement that this produced. Next to imperialism, Stalinism had acted to contain and divert the post -war revolutionary processes. The presence of this apparatus allowed the reformist or tiny directs to go a little beyond their plans to contain the energy of the masses, because the bureaucracy acted as a reinsurance in this containment. But today, Not being stalinism, The reformist or tiny directors are panicked to the mass movement and there are no devices that contain it. That is why instead of moving forward they prefer to turn right. We have seen it clearly in cases like Syriza in Greece, We can in Spain or the Broad Front in Chile. At this stage it is not raised that processes such as the Cuban Revolution occur, that is to say, processes that advance towards throwing governments, face imperialism and expropriate the bourgeoisie without the direction of a revolutionary party.

Another important debate is about consciousness and working class. In the struggle processes do not arise soviets but very weak organisms and the working class is an actor but not hegemonic. This is due to the address problem. And consciousness does not advance only with the fight: This opens heads and generates advances, But for them to consolidate and reach a real advance, revolutionary organization is needed.

All this reaffirms the crucial importance of the most subjective of all factors, the construction of a revolutionary party with the influence of mass nationwide. There are still no revolutionary socialist parties with influence, accumulation and location necessary to direct the rebellions and revolutions that explode and lead them to definitive triumphs on capital and establish governments of workers and the poor people. This leaves the bourgeoisie maneuvering margin, The union bureaucracies, reformism and social democracy to avoid destroying the old and the new does not finish growing. In Chile, The Broad Front wove a pact with the government to support Piñera when the people sued their mass resignation and the PC did their part trying to stop the mobilization,  And now they try that the constituent not exceed the limits of bourgeois democracy; In Colombia it is the bureaucracy of the National Paro Committee that has been holding Duke and trying to divert the process towards a negotiation with the Government, While social democratic variants work to channel everything towards an electoral process that still appears very distant. What none of these traitorous and reformist addresses can be time ago and should live with a new situation that in the midst of a great polarization will tend to be deepened and triggered recurring rebellions.

The masses have the ability to destroy the regimes that oppress them with their own spontaneous revolutionary force. But its creative capacity, To replace these regimes with new structures and build a new society, It is limited to the political organizations that have their heads. To carry the revolutionary mobilization to the end, liquidate bourgeois regimes, dismantle the capitalist state, impose workers' governments and build socialism, A revolutionary direction is needed.

In this frame, The struggle of the revolutionaries to influence mass sectors is an essential task. We must play against reformist trends, Possibilists, pro-capitalists that in many cases are the predominant forces in the direction of the labor and mass movement. The last decade shows over examples of the actions of these sectors. From Syriza in Greece to Sanders in the US, They have oriented the energy of the rebellions towards an institutional channel, generating in some cases a strong subsequent demoralization. We currently see that a similar process is developed in Brazil, where PSOL sectors bet on a front with the PT and this in turn seeks an agreement with bourgeois parties in the name of the alleged fight against fascism.

As we have pointed out above, The tensions derived from a growing inter -imperialist rivalry starring the US and China will continue to be an important aspect of the world situation. This opens a key debate with reformist sectors that see a "progressive field" and tend to align with China and its allies in the name of "anti -imperialism". This campist policy leads them to condemn the rebellions starring the masses in countries that appear as US rivals. A) Yes, They condemn the genuine struggles that star in sectors of the working class or youth in Iran, Nicaragua, Hong Kong, Venezuela as instruments of imperialism, And they are placed on the side of the defense of authoritarian or dictatorial regimes. These governments have applied adjustment and unloaded policies the crisis on the working class and the popular sectors, Like openly pro-imperialist and capitalist governments. The revolutionaries must reject campist policy, and firmly put on the side of the rebellions and genuine struggles of their peoples, At the same time that we reject any interference of American imperialism and fight the right -wing directions that they try to take advantage of the claims.

Build a revolutionary pole

An important aspect of the situation is that, Although the reformist addresses act and in many cases they manage to divert the processes, They do it at the price of strong wear. This has been the case of nationalist addresses, Little-bourgeois, who rode the ascent in Latin America in the previous period as Maduro in Venezuela, or Evo Morales in Bolivia; Also of the "new" expressions that emerged in Europe like Podemos and Syriza. And it is happening again in the framework of the most high processes of the present as the center -left in Colombia and Chile. This opens an opportunity for revolutionaries, If we give ourselves a correct policy.

To carry out the struggle for the hegemony of the revolutionaries it is essential to advance in strengthening an international pole. We cannot overcome the problem of revolutionary direction from the narrow margins of a national organization. The exchange and international debate between revolutionaries, The common intervention in reality, They are indispensable to build solid revolutionary organizations in each country. In this sense, We resume the best of the tradition of revolutionary Marxism, which always privileged the construction of revolutionary organizations and an international organization. This is essential for the task of splicar with the new avant -garde that arises in the heat of rebellions. There is a "first line" of young people who have a leading role in processes, that come from different political traditions or that have recently been radicalized within the framework of events. To add them to this project, It is essential that they see that here they can also be protagonists.

From the postwar there were different attempts to advance in this regard, Returning to the legacy of the International IV, But they failed. The dispersion was accentuated. Some groups fell into the National-Totskism. And others took refuge in a construction model where the party that had some accumulation of paintings founded a current and grouped under its direction minor groups in other countries. The intrinsic weakness of these models led to the committing political and methodological errors of different types, to partial elaborations, to dogmatism, to sectarian or opportunistic deviations and bureaucratic methods increased. The past crises and ruptures and those that we are witnessing in different organizations in recent times are related to all this. The postwar trotskism crisis resulted in the formation of defensive groupings, international trends around a party with greater development. But making this need a method is an important mistake.

Regrettably, No international current referenced in Trotskyism could pass the test to which they were submitted in the new stage that opened with the fall of the Soviet Union and the turbulent years that happened to the present, nor transform into a dynamic attraction pole on the avant -garde. We humbly propose to begin to reverse this dynamic. That is why we defend an international construction model completely different from the existing ones.

We need a solid international organization, that debates and elaborates collectively. The contribution of different perspectives is essential to build a scientific analysis of reality. Only with collective elaboration we can effectively intervene to transform it. The basis for this is a common understanding of the tasks of the moment, A clear program that takes up the fundamental teachings of revolutionary socialism and a strategic delimitation in the defense of the socialist revolution and the Leninist party. From these points there are nuances, debates. Because, It is also necessary to give us an operation that allows these discussions to develop democratically within the framework of a common intervention. We hope that the Lis Congress, to be done soon, Be a fundamental step in this regard.

There are various revolutionary traditions in the world and concrete experiences of regions of the world are also reflected. Therefore, in certain debates, nuances and differences will be expressed that far from being a problem will enrich the elaboration. We consider a triumph and a need to reverse the direction crisis that drags the working class to live together in the same international organizations that for a long time we have left separate and propose to work to group most of the revolutionary forces under the same flags. At present, in fact, There are different looks on some issues within the lis. We have nuances around the concepts and definitions that we use to analyze the political situation that reflect that we come from different traditions that have been developing theoretical definitions separately. Also about the characterization of some processes. We bet that the common activity in time allows us to build a new tradition and the trust necessary to achieve a theoretical synthesis, new political and methodological, OVERCOME AND REVOLUTIONARY.

We do not understand the construction of an international based on unique thought or bureaucratic centralism. We defend the method of democratic centralism, because together with a structure of professional militants and hierarchical organizations, It is essential to build revolutionary parties and dispute the direction of workers and popular sectors to bureaucracy and reformism. In the construction of the international it is essential to prioritize much more democratic pole over centralism since political elaboration has to be carried out respecting the different realities, national traditions and addresses.

The crisis we are living raises huge opportunities and challenges. The struggles of the working class and the peoples will mark the dynamics of the period that we begin to travel. With them will come a process of radicalization and left turn that opens the prospect of building important revolutionary organizations. Nevertheless, The existence of favorable conditions for this task does not guarantee its success. This depends on our ability to respond properly, From analysis to politics and tactics. The magnitude and extension of the radicalization process we are entering is far superior to the response capacity of international grouping currently existing. That is why it is essential to build an organization that is open to the confluence of revolutionary socialist organizations that come from different traditions. This is the challenge we propose to face.

• In support of the rebellions that travel the world. Internationalist and militant solidarity with peoples in struggle, and against the repression of states.
• Independence with respect to all governments, whether openly bourgeois and pro-imperialists, or are bureaucratic and present themselves as anti-imperialists. Rejection of campism.
• Being part of the rebellions we fight to develop the democratic organisms of the working class and the mobilized people, so that these are those who decide the course of the struggles and not the union bureaucracies and the reformist directions.
• Against attempts to enhance rebellions along the institutional and electoral path, In certain countries we raise the constitutional assembly slogan so that the people democratically decide how to reorganize the country on new bases, as a tool to deepen mobilization and unmask the traitorous directions.
• Against reformist perspectives, We raise the need to break capitalism to solve the fundamental problems of the life of the majorities. We fight for a model of socialism without bureaucracy where the working class is, through their organisms, the one that governs.
• To advance this perspective, We support the need to unite revolutionaries to build large revolutionary socialist organizations that can dispute hegemony to reformists and dispute power.