Argentina: 30 years of the MST. "Swear to continue fighting and building the party and the LIS"

We share, a 30 years of the birth of the MST, the words of Alejandro Bodart, General Secretary of our party, who gave the central speech at the event we held on Saturday 17 December in the auditorium of the Faculty of Cs. Social in the City of Buenos Aires, which was also broadcast live for the entire country and for LIS comrades from various countries around the world..

For us this birthday is a great joy.. We are celebrating a little late because it was actually in the middle of the year, but this year he came very loaded and we did not want to say goodbye without paying this tribute to everyone. Because, I want to congratulate all those who did their bit to help us get here. To those who are and those who are gone, but they are in the memory of all of us. Thirty years is a long time. Those of us who have been fighting, even for more than 30 years, In shorter periods we have seen organizations grow and disappear. Be, be strong and more alive than ever, For us it is a great joy and pride.. There are many colleagues who have made the construction of the party their life and thanks to that we have an important party. There are many colleagues who have collaborated by contributing to a financial campaign or following us in some campaigns.. Everyone, one way or another, They have collaborated so that we arrive and are here.

at the table, through the colleagues who are here, We want to pay tribute to all the colleagues from the different layers of the MST. Some of those who are here were little when we founded the MST. Celeste had 6 years, Mariano I think he had 9. Besides me who had 28, I think the oldest was Sergio, what had 18 and he started military right there, when we start taking the first steps. At the table that presides over this event there is a summary of the direction that we were building., which includes older and younger colleagues. Because building a party is building a leadership. It is building a work team that can meet the different needs. So, I ask for a round of applause for the colleagues who are here., because they are the vanguard of a team that has launched this project, has maintained it and will continue to do so.

The importance of the birth of the MST in a complex moment

Those were the times of the '90s, where there was a lot of confusion in the ranks of the left due to a series of events that had occurred. Fundamentally, by the crisis of "real socialism", the fall of the Soviet Union. In Germany the capitalist part ended up absorbing the socialist part. They were Thatcher times, who defeated the miners in England and together with Reagan launched capitalist globalization that became known worldwide as neoliberalism. At that time the MST was founded. The confusion that had opened up on the left due to the fall of "socialism", but since there is no alternative direction to overcome Stalinism, capitalist restoration was the solution that occurred in each of those countries. He entered almost all the ranks of the left, and also entered the organization that preceded the MST, which was the old MAS in Argentina and the old international organization that we had built, What was the International Workers League?. Two extraordinary works by Nahuel Moreno, but who were affected by this wave of global skepticism. and the truth, is that the disappearance of the current that had formed Moreno or, at most, that would be transformed into very small small groups, very sectarian. I believe that the founding of the MST was a fundamental battle. If we had not given it, today we would not be here. That's why I think it's very important for us to claim that fight that we fought and claim the founding of the MST., not just because of who we are today, but for the fact of having managed to give continuity to a current that fought for decades to remove Trotskyism from marginality., for bringing it to the working class.

Today Argentina is a place where a lot of attention is paid to the left and Trotskyism. Because Trotskyism is the main leftist force in our country. And if Trotskyism has this weight here, It has to do with the construction of our current, that was not born ago 30 years, was born almost 80, but that the MST in a very difficult moment fought so that this historical continuity continued to exist. And I think it's very important that we all be aware of this.. Many of the leaders who led a very skeptical debate within the old party today are practically not organized and almost nothing of that has remained.. While the MST is more alive than ever, because he knew how to defend the historical flags of our current and, at the same time, He also knew how to advance without dogmatism, without sectarianism, without opportunism and we continue building and reworking.

Marxism is not a dogma

Marxism is not a recipe that is already written and one can read and find a solution to all problems.. Marxism is a living science, intervention in the class struggle and a critical spirit to elaborate from reality are constantly needed.. You don't just learn from successes, but above all of the errors. And we have committed many, but we also had the self-critical spirit of learning from mistakes, to try to improve ourselves, of constantly trying to move forward. I believe that Morenoism was the current that most enriched Marxism., that most enriched the teachings of Lenin and Trotsky after World War II. And it was a tremendous crime that that tradition was lost., because it would imply an enormous setback for the working class and the workers, that would take decades to recover. We have to defend our tradition, our morenista tradition. Know that even to this day, as happened to Lenin and Trotsky, There are many currents that attack Morenoism with falsehoods, with slander, how Trotskyism was permanently attacked, leninism, Marxism. We have to defend it and, at the same time, understand that Moreno died before seeing many of the great changes that occurred in humanity. He could not see the fall of the Soviet Union, which had a very contradictory character and which, while the majority only saw the negative part, We try very hard to see the contradiction of that period. Period that also had as one of the fundamental phenomena, the fall of the most monstrous apparatus that had emerged within the working class: Stalinism. And that, Thus, A black stage was not opening where socialism ceased to be the perspective for humanity, but it would quickly become clear, how it happened, that what is rotting is the capitalist system and that more than ever the only alternative that humanity has is to advance to socialism.

If we don't make it, capitalism may end up destroying humanity. Look what happens today, Once again, the threat is raised that some Russian oligarch, some yankee capitalist, press the button and humanity disappears. Arms growing, fratricidal wars grow, permanent aggression on the only planet we have grows. And they are not interested in anything that may happen to future generations.. Having maintained firm conviction and confidence in the working class, confidence in the experience of two centuries of workers' struggle, trust in a tradition that showed us the way, I think it was very important to keep us going., so that we would not give up when everyone told us that the Revolutionary Party was no longer going, to continue fighting hard, many times against the current, or with the wind against. But a few years into that period, the sun started to rise again. The validity of socialism as the only alternative to end the catastrophe that, if we don't stop, is approaching us. And it was important in that fight that we had at that time, when everyone told us we were crazy, have stood firm. Thanks to that firmness I believe that we are here today, more alive than ever. The left is growing in our country, the PJ begins to sink, radicalism is no longer an alternative, and all of us who are here, We are protagonists of a change that we are convinced that, sooner rather than later, It is going to raise the possibility of a dispute for power. The possibility of changing things, as Celeste says, to turn everything around and that the workers, once and for all, let's take the reins of our country, Let's take the reins of the world and start changing history.

 The crisis of the old MAS and the founding of the MST

The MST was founded on May 1, 1992 with an event in Plaza de Mayo in support of the railway workers who at that time were facing the privatization of Menem. A heroic fight, that practically paralyzed the country for months and had us as protagonists. It was a seal of what our party is, because from then on, in practically all the struggles that have taken place, the MST has been contributing a grain of sand..

From the old MAS we were able to rescue a small group of cadres and militants, but with a lot of political firmness and desire to rebuild what the crisis, in that complex moment, had pushed back. From the old leaders we started with a very small group, hard hit by the crisis, for the mistakes that had been made after Moreno's death. Gross errors even though, as had been said at a ceremony to say goodbye to him, Moreno had left solid foundations. But unfortunately the management that was left in charge of the old MAS when Moreno died, far from resting on those foundations, through many mistakes, was demolishing them, to the point that the crisis only allowed us to rescue a handful of old leaders. Here we have one of them, Mario Doglio, for which I ask for a loud applause, because he is one of the leaders of the old current that is with us. We had to assume the vanguard of the construction of the old party and a couple of regional leaders who came from the construction of the old MAS.. And shortly after founding the new party there began to be many debates among those of us who had left the old party together.. In a sense, fear had united us with a liquidating current that emerged within the party.. But when we had to start building, for the positive, We realized that in reality we did not all have drawn the same conclusions. Many of the old leaders never assimilated the tremendous mistakes that had been made after the death of Moreno and, about all things, Since they did not assimilate the errors, they did not have the conviction that a new leadership had to be formed because the previous one had exploded.. Many discussions and debates began to take place..

The MST in the first years was chaotic, of conferences that many times it was not known if they would end. Because a debate began to arise: The new party had to be logically based on the tradition of our current, but: Why is the MAS the main party of the left in Argentina and in the world?, in a few years of having entered a crisis, in a tremendous division of the leadership he was on the verge of almost disappearing? The new cadres were convinced that many mistakes had been made and that it was essential, first, discuss mistakes so as not to make them again; Y, in second place, to learn from those mistakes and gain experience that will help us continue moving forward. While many of the old leaders actually refused to accept that they had been part of that, and they refused to put what had to be put, to form a new direction, a new team with the cadres who had fought to rescue the majority of the militancy at the head of that team.

The Party and the leadership

The construction of a revolutionary party involves collective construction, but that is synthesized in the construction of a direction that combines experience and tradition, but at the same time, young blood that bets on the future, don't fall in love with yourself, that permanently bets that new colleagues can rejuvenate it, can help her keep moving forward. This led us, practically since we were formed as a party until almost the end of the '90s, to tremendous debates until after several crises we managed to stabilize. In those years he joined our ranks, for example, a fashion campaign also launched from the factories of imperialism, What was horizontalism?. The maximum figure that we had managed to build in the MAS and that started with us in the MST, Luis Zamora, He began to fight within our party so that we could change the essence of the Leninist party.. I had bought that Leninism was part of the past, that we had to go to another type of operation, He began to adore Holloway and all the fashionable theorists of the time. Nevertheless, The foundations that we had begun to build allowed us to carry this debate forward and to, practically, the party came out one hundred percent firm that we had to continue building the party.

Why, definitely, the great debate from the '90s to now, through one fashion or another, It has had to do with skepticism and from there it has been questioned whether it is worth continuing to build a Leninist party, fighting, revolutionary or not. It has manifested itself in different ways, but always in the end the question is the same. There are those who say, for example"Why are we going to dedicate our time to building the revolutionary party?", If power is not raised, at least in the next 50 O 100 years".And they propose that we dedicate ourselves to something else, to build broad parties as a strategy together with reformist sectors, that we fight to radicalize democracy a little more, to make some kind of reform. We have had many debates of this type also within our ranks. Because the Party is a living organism, that he cannot have a shell so that all the debates that exist in reality do not get inside him. What is important is to have enough antibodies to be able to repel all these types of false ideologies. Ideologies that are created by the enemy, created by capital to destroy the only possibility that humanity has to, ever, things change: build a national and international revolutionary alternative that fights the bureaucracy every day, to the capitalists, to imperialism. I think that the MST in these years demonstrated that it had that strength, and that's why we are here, and that is why we do not succumb to any of the fashions, like others who were succumbing.

This debate is tragic. For example, Last weekend the French NPA was destroyed, that had arisen from an initiative of the Mandelist current, of the French Revolutionary Communist League. It has just been destroyed because many years ago the leaders of the Unified Secretariat, of mandelism, They bought this new fashion that the revolutionary party is not planned for a long period of time and that is why the realistic thing was to dedicate themselves to building broad parties., without boundaries, dissolving the revolutionary party if necessary, like they did in France. And so, a very important initiative that brought together 9.000 militants like the NPA, in one of the most important capitalist countries, just ended up exploding as a result of having bought this false ideology, which ended up leading them to despise the revolutionary construction in favor of joining a populist front construction like the NUPES.. That is a practical conclusion of where these new trends that they try to throw overboard lead. 200 years of construction of the working class. We are part of those in France who are fighting against all this and who have managed to win over half of the NPA to continue building a revolutionary party., independent of the bourgeoisie and the pro-imperialist center-left.

Building the MST in the struggles and the working class

We were building our national party, because when we started we were not a national party, essentially we were grouped a little bit in Capital, in Province of Buenos Aires, and we had some companions in the provinces. But we were building a national party based on the struggles that took place in our town.. Because Menemism, that achieved a certain stability for a period, shortly after forming the MST, began to enter into crisis and extraordinary struggles began to take place, mainly in the provinces. They have to know that the MST, in his early years, He actively participated in the first great struggles of the unemployed, that arose in those towns devastated by Menem's privatizations. And so we grew stronger in the south, where we played an important role in the first uprisings, later in Jujuy and other provinces. We actively participated in the Santiagueñazo and the different provincial attacks that were unleashed. We became involved in important workers' struggles, like that of Las Heras for example that allowed us, alongside old colleagues who had kept the flame burning (and here is our colleague Lucía Sandoval for whom I also ask for a big hug) build the party in another province.

When Luis Zamora left, We found ourselves in the need to build a new spokesperson, It was easy to decide on Vilma, who was transformed in those years into a very important leader recognized by the working class, as a deputy, as a nurse, as a colleague who returned to work after having been a deputy.

We were a vanguard in the fight for Human Rights. When the MST emerged, The laws of due obedience and full stop that Alfonsín had signed with the support of the PJ and the pardon of Menem were in force.. In the opening video you saw an image, and there are many images of the MST in its first years accompanying the mothers' struggle, accompanying the escraches, the first escraches of H.I.J.O.S. But they also have to know that, from the MST, and Izquierda Unida a few years later, We were the ones who presented in Parliament the law that overturned the impunity laws, which Kirchnerism tries to appropriate, when in the Chamber of Deputies our colleagues fought against the K, that what they wanted was a law that would allow laws to be repealed without opening new lawsuits. Y gracias a la pelea que dimos nosotros, junto al pueblo movilizado, logramos que se voltearan esas leyes y hasta el día de hoy se juzgue y los milicos terminen en cana. Por eso estamos orgullosos de toda nuestra historia, que no la vamos a encontrar en C5N ni en TN, no la vamos a encontrar en ninguno de los medios que intentan cambiarla y hacer referentes de derechos humanos a tipos que se fueron a hacer guita en los peores momentos, y que siendo abogados nunca presentaron un hábeas corpus. Nosotros tenemos el orgullo de haber sido parte de esa vanguardia, parte de todas esas luchas desde el origen del viejo MAS y que continuamos con el MST.

Hemos sido vanguardia en la lucha por la unidad de la izquierda, al servicio de construir herramientas lo más fuertes posibles para disputarle el movimiento de masas y la clase trabajadora al PJ y la centroizquierda. Construyendo Izquierda Unida, haciendo una experiencia con Proyecto Sur, que nos permitió enriquecer nuestro programa y ahora estar el FITU entre otras tantas iniciativas unitarias.

También hemos sido una de las corrientes que más avanzó en los debates y la comprensión de la importancia de las peleas de género como motores de la lucha revolucionaria y como motores de la construcción del partido revolucionario. Es un debate que incluso cruza a muchas organizaciones revolucionarias que siguen, pese a todo lo que se ha visto y se puede ver, negando la importancia que tiene la lucha de género, negando el patriarcado, negando el feminismo. Y no hablo de corrientes estalinistas o burguesas, hablo de corrientes que se dicen trotskistas, pero que minimizan esa batalla fundamental. Y el MST tiene elaboración, tiene constancia, y ha sido parte fundamental de las movilizaciones que lograron torcerle el rumbo a este régimen patriarcal y clerical, y que lograron el aborto. Están todas las imágenes y todas nuestras compañeras para atestiguar que han sido vanguardia en cada una de las luchas, y siguen siéndolo en todo este período.

Tenemos el orgullo de haber sido la corriente socialista revolucionaria, que más avanzó en entender la unidad de la lucha de la clase obrera por su emancipación con la necesidad de integrar la lucha socio-ambiental. Porque el planeta está en riesgo, y no basta solo pelear por el salario ni por el control obrero, hay que destruir a todas aquellas industrias que terminan destruyendo el medio ambiente, ir a otro tipo de modelo productivo. Y hay que tener lo que hay que tener, para sacarse de encima dogmas, para sacarse de encima viejas recetas, que se demuestran que no sirven para nada.

Por todo esto tenemos que ser orgullosos de lo que hemos construido. Porque hemos construido, pero también estamos dejando huellas históricas que van a servir para las próximas generaciones, para no partir de cero en muchas peleas, en muchas elaboraciones.

Desde ya hemos estado presentes en las luchas más importantes de nuestra clase, the working class. Tenemos un orgullo grande, for example, para no remontarme a la historia, sino simplemente a los últimos años, de tener a la corriente más dinámica entre la famosa primera línea que se bancó uno de los desastres más grandes del capitalismo que fue la pandemia. Y de tener dirigentes y sindicatos de enfermeras, de médicos, en Capital, in Province of Buenos Aires, en Córdoba y en el interior. Hemos dado una pelea por instalar un nuevo modelo sindical, porque el modelo que hay que destruir en el sindicalismo no es solamente el de la burocracia podrida de los carcamanes de la CGT o de los verseros de las CTA. Lamentablemente la izquierda reproduce métodos burocráticos al interior del movimiento obrero, y muchas veces retrasa la posibilidad de la formación de una nueva dirección tan necesaria para nuestra clase. Y nosotros hemos tenido la valentía de dar esa pelea. Porque no peleamos para tener un sello más. Peleamos por educar a la clase obrera en la necesidad de que se auto determine, de que sea ella la que resuelva los problemas. Es una batalla estratégica a dar con nuestros socios al interior del Frente de Izquierda, con los cuales todavía no hemos podido construir más que un frente electoral limitado. Nos cuesta mucho intervenir unitariamente en la lucha de clases o dar peleas realmente revolucionarias en los sindicatos. Hay que estar atentos, porque el estalinismo todavía le marca la huella a muchas organizaciones que se dicen anti estalinistas y es una batalla que tenemos que seguir dando.

Somos pocos, por problemas de edad, los que tuvimos la suerte de participar de la gran revolución que se produjo acá y termino en la caída de la Dictadura. Éramos muy jóvenes en aquella época, estoy hablando del ’82. Pero tenemos el orgullo como MST de haber podido participar de la segunda gran revolución en Argentina, que fue el famoso Argentinazo, y de haber sacado conclusiones. Porque ese proceso revolucionario, nos hizo sacar conclusiones tremendas que fueron muy útiles para la continuidad posterior del MST. Y sobre todo para sacar una conclusión: Marxism, ya lo dije antes, It is not a dogma. Moreno dio un aporte extraordinario a la teoría de la Revolución Permanente, a la teoría de la revolución, pero falleció antes de que se dieran nuevos fenómenos que cambiaron la etapa. Con las herramientas que nos había dado, había que reelaborar, había que rediscutir, había que pensar. Luego del Argentinazo tuvimos otra crisis, con un grupo de compañeros que a los que pensábamos esto, como yo, nos consideraban prácticamente herejes, porque creían que estaba todo escrito. Algunos de estos compañeros están en el FIT Unidad, en otra organización. Creían y siguen creyendo que no había nada que repensar, que no había nada que elaborar, y así les va. El MST tuvo la audacia de romper los moldes cuando había que romper los moldes. Y hay que saber romper los moldes, hay que saber ser crítico de uno mismo. El que no es crítico de uno mismo, no avanza nunca, porque se enamora de sí mismo y se enamora de los errores que comete. La única forma de avanzar, es tener la valentía de cuando se produce un error, saber asimilarlo. Y cuando algo no anda, tener la valentía de cambiarlo y de elaborar, porque el marxismo es una ciencia viva. Podríamos decir que, for example, Lenin fue un hereje que prácticamente violentó todo lo que había pensado Marx, porque Marx decía que la revolución solo se podía hacer en los países más avanzados. En ese sentido tenían razón los mencheviques, que planteaban que no había que hacer la revolución en Rusia. Pero si no era por Lenin y Trotsky, que se animaron a cuestionar lo que evidentemente no servía y hacer la revolución en el país más atrasado de Europa, el marxismo revolucionario hoy no sería lo que es. Moreno tuvo la valentía de cuestionar algunos aspectos de la teoría de la Revolución Permanente, porque no hay santos intocables en el marxismo. Y nosotros tuvimos también la valentía de tocar muchos aspectos de lo que nos había planteado Moreno, porque evidentemente la situación había cambiado. No era lo mismo un mundo con el estalinismo y con toda la Unión Soviética y el bloque del Este, que un mundo donde se había desplomado todo, donde había empezado la restauración capitalista a extenderse, donde había que pensar, cuestionar pronósticos que no se habían dado, elaborar y elaborar. And that, companions, es muy importante para la pelea que estamos dando con la Liga Internacional Socialista, porque la Liga Internacional Socialista, no se pudo construir con viejos moldes del pasado. Se pudo construir porque tuvimos la audacia de cuestionar y repensar muchas cosas.

Nuestro sello de origen: internationalism.

Creo que el trotskismo argentino, formado por Moreno, ha creado la camada militante más internacionalista que existe actualmente en el mundo. A mí que me toca viajar, ir a diferentes países, lo veo y creo que eso es algo muy importante tenerlo bien claro. El MST es un fiel heredero de eso, porque nosotros hemos decidido muchas veces debilitar nuestra construcción para poder fortalecer la construcción de otro país, para poder ir a apoyar una lucha que se desarrollaba en lugares muy lejanos. Tener la valentía de saber que sin internacional no somos nada, que no se puede disputar el poder, que no hay trotskismo sin internacional. Porque el trotskismo es internacionalismo, la revolución socialista es mundial o nunca va a ser. Y para poder hacerla, necesitamos hacer todos los esfuerzos, incluso debilitar coyunturalmente la construcción nacional. Y creo que el MST ha tenido esa valentía, y por eso desde que se reventó la LIT, fundamos primero la CIR y luego la UIT. Cuando esta última defeccionó, intentamos reagrupar internacionalmente a los revolucionarios a través de múltiples iniciativas y hoy somos puntales en la LIS.

Nos hicimos fanáticos de la Revolución Venezolana de principio de siglo y a partir de ahí empezamos a conocer compañeros y compañeras de distintas partes del mundo con una comprensión común, ni sectaria ni oportunista, mientras otras corrientes caían en una u otra desviación ya que uno de los grandes defectos de parte de la izquierda pasa por confundir permanentemente los procesos que se dan, con su dirección. El sectarismo en las filas del trotskismo, parte de un razonamiento antimarxista. Como al frente de un proceso esta una dirección mala, reformista o reaccionaria el proceso no sirve. Muchos de esos razonamientos están presentes en algunos aliados en el Frente que integramos, y por eso se negaron a participar y disputar en la Revolución Bolivariana. Le encuentran siempre el pelo al huevo frente a cada movilización, frente a cada proceso revolucionario, y se cuidan más de mancharse, de no meterse en el barro, que en participar y responder a las necesidades de la clase obrera. Que tiene muchas veces direcciones malas, pero que hace esfuerzos tremendos por superarlas, por construir alternativas frente a esos procesos. Algo similar estamos viendo ahora con relación a la resistencia ucraniana contra la invasión rusa, que una parte de la izquierda se niega a apoyar porque al frente del país está un pro imperialista como Zelenski.

El oportunismo parte de un razonamiento similar, pero a la inversa. Cuando hay un proceso revolucionario sacan la conclusión de que la dirección debe ser si o si revolucionaria y le claudican.

Sacamos un balance muy crítico del trotskismo de posguerra, muy crítico. Porque lamentablemente el trotskismo de posguerra a partir del revisionismo pablista hizo que se cayera en una atomización tremenda del movimiento revolucionario. Con mini internacionales que empezaron a surgir por todos lados, alrededor de un partido. Se cayó en una desviación, that of«partido madre», creyendo que desde un partido se puede hacer una internacional, buscando gente que piense igual que el partido madre, y expulsando al que no piense así. Nosotros sacamos la conclusión que ese modelo, que puede haber servido para mantener la llama, para que las enseñanzas de Trotsky y Lenin no se perdieran en el basurero del estalinismo, había llegado a su fin con la muerte del estalinismo, y había que buscar otro. Un modelo que nos permitiera a los revolucionarios volver a reencontrarnos, aportar cada uno su tradición. Entender que hay otras tradiciones en el movimiento revolucionario y que de lo que se trata, es de volver a los orígenes, volver a las enseñanzas de las viejas internacionales, que no se hacían a partir de un partido imponiéndole al resto, sino a través de la unión, the Solidarity, del debate franco, la convivencia con distintas corrientes, con matices. Eso nos permitió encontrar compañeros de otras tradiciones y empezar a construir juntos la LIS.

El viejo modelo nunca hubiera permitido que nosotros empalmáramos con los compañeros de Pakistán, que vienen de otra tradición y son una gran corriente revolucionaria en el Asia, y aprender de ellos, de saber que no somos los únicos que hemos en esta larga lucha intentado resolver los problemas de la clase trabajadora. O empalmar con los compañeros de África, que vienen de hacer una experiencia con el estalinismo, porque no existía el trotskismo, pero que avanzaron, siendo muy jóvenes rompieron con el estalinismo, lo hicieron pelota y empezaron a buscar, y nos buscaron a nosotros como alternativa. Y no les pedimos análisis de sangre, como les piden otras de las organizaciones, para ver si están aptos para ser partícipes de la secta. O con las corrientes del sindicalismo revolucionario en Ucrania, Belarus, Kazajastan o Rusia. O con los compañeros del Líbano. O relacionarnos con los compañeros de Australia que, en un país conservador, acaban de hacer una elección extraordinaria. Esta noche vamos a participar de una conferencia que arranca a las 21 hs, porque hay 14 horas de diferencia, pero que están entusiasmadísimos, y que han hecho un material que es muy importante que lo conozcan. En ese material plantean la larga historia en el desierto que han tenido que pasar, cuando todos les decían que había que abandonar, que no valía la pena, que un país conservador, imperialist, que la clase obrera nunca iba a cambiar, era toda aristocrática, pero por mantenerse firmes, acaban de provocar un boom electoral y están creciendo, y son parte de un fenómeno que muestra las posibilidades que hay hoy en el mundo. O tener relaciones fraternales con los compañeros de The Tempest, de Estados Unidos. That is to say, no podríamos haber hecho nada de esto sin internacionalismo, sin la claridad de que hay que animarse a cambiar, sin la claridad de que el dogma no existe más, de que no tenemos la verdad revelada, pero tenemos voluntad de cambiar las cosas.

Sigamos luchando y construyendo el partido y la LIS

Companions, no nos dejemos engañar con el verso de que el socialismo es utópico. Lo único utópico en la humanidad es seguir bancando este sistema, que nos va a llevar a la destrucción. La única luz de esperanza para la humanidad es el único sistema alternativo que existe: socialism. Pero para llegar al socialismo hace falta construir Partido Revolucionario. Por eso tienen que estar orgullosos de colaborar con la única herramienta que puede permitir que el mundo no se desbarranque y que las generaciones futuras puedan vivir dignamente, que es construir un partido, en este caso el MST y a nivel internacional la Liga Internacional Socialista. Sin militancia, sin abnegación, no se pueden construir partidos. Muchos compañeros lo dijeron en los vídeos iniciales, la construcción de un partido exige sacrificios, dejar muchas cosas personales de lado. Muchas veces la sociedad capitalista nos presiona para que esencialmente pensemos en nosotros mismos, para que dejemos de pensar en lo colectivo y nos dicen«dedicate a lo tuyo, ya estás grande, ya se te pasó el momento rojo de estudiante».

Compañeros y compañeras; vale la pena militar. Porque es la única actividad realmente gratificante. Porque es la única actividad que nos permite en colectivo dar una pelea para que nuestros hijos, nuestros nietos, nosotros mismos, podamos disfrutar de este planeta y de esta vida, que es hermosa pero que hay un sistema que no nos permite disfrutarla. Pero a nuestra manera la disfrutamos, dando pelea para destruir este sistema y construir otro hermoso. Because, yo creo que el mejor homenaje a 30 years, es juramentarnos que vamos a seguir peleando, militando, construyendo partido nacional e internacional. Discutiendo todo lo que haya que discutir, sin dogmas, sin ningún preconcepto, pero firmes en la convicción de que el socialismo es posible, de que la clase obrera no está derrotada. Y sino, fíjense en el esfuerzo tremendo que está haciendo la clase obrera de Irán con una represión brutal, que surgió a partir del asesinato de una mujer, pero que se ha transformado en una de las revoluciones más importante del planeta. O del pueblo peruano que, sin dirección, traicionado veinte veces, sigue peleando, sigue arrinconando al poder. Y lo vimos en Sri Lanka en esa manifestación que arrasó con todo. O en cada una de las rebeliones que sacuden el país mes a mes. Todos los días la clase obrera nos da muestras de que no deja de pelear. No dejemos de pelear nosotros. Peleemos más que nunca. Porque si seguimos haciendo lo que hemos hecho estos 30 years, y redoblamos el esfuerzo, el futuro tiene que ser nuestro.